The cause
of the Trumpian dissolution of Europe is the
increasing – and, God knows, realistic – awareness among the European
population that the credible political will to break out of this destructive
spiral is lacking. Instead, the political elites are being sucked into the
timid, pollster-driven opportunism of short-term power maintenance. The lack of
courage to form even a single idea of one’s own for which a majority
must first be won is all the more ironic because a majority prepared to
demonstrate solidarity already exists as a fleet in being. I believe that the
political elites – first and foremost the despondent social democratic parties
– underestimate the disposition of their voters to engage themselves for
projects reaching beyond narrow self-interest. The fact that this view isn’t
just a reflection of unfulfilled philosophical ideals can be seen in the most
recent publication by the research group led by Jürgen Gerhards, who for years
has pursued wide-ranging and intelligent comparative studies on solidarity in
13 EU member states. He has not only found indicators for a shared European
identity distinct from national identity, but also an unexpectedly high
willingness to support European policies that would imply redistribution across
national boundaries.
(…)
Simply
looking back at the eternal rise and fall of the empires since Antiquity misses
the novelty of the current situation. Despite continuing to grow together,
global society remains politically fragmented. This frailty of politics
provides a sense of the threshold before which people around the world recoil
and shy away. I am referring here to the threshold of supranational and yet
democratic forms of political integration that ask of voters that they, before
casting their ballots, consider the perspectives of all citizens, even across
national borders. The advocates of political realism, who have nothing but
scorn for such a concept, often forget that their own theory is rooted in the
Cold War conflict that involved two rational actors. Where, though, can
rationality be found in today’s political arena? Viewed historically, the
overdue step toward an effective Euro Union is part of the same learning curve
that already took place once before with the development of national
consciousnesses in the 19th century. Then too, the cognisance of national
belonging beyond town, city and region did not evolve in any “natural” way.
National identities were, rather, purposefully created by leading elites by
adapting the shared consciousness of the populations to the already existing
and wider ranging functional contexts of modern territorial states and national
economies. Today, national populations are overwhelmed by the politically
uncontrollable functional imperatives of a global capitalism that is being driven
by unregulated financial markets. The frightened retreat behind national
borders cannot be the correct response to that challenge.
(Jürgen Habermas won the German-French Media Prize in early July. This (Are we still good europeans?) is his acceptance speech in Berlin first published by Die Zeit. English translation by Charles Hawley.)
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